The Kennedy
assassination: somebody knew in advance
Gabriel Molina
GEORGE H. W. Bush and Richard Nixon
were in Dallas on the day of the assassination of
President John F. Kennedy, one year after the
October Missile Crisis. However, they deny or fail
to remember this fact.
Brian Latell, a senior CIA agent,
recently published the book Castro’s Secrets,
prompting an insidious Miami Herald article
by Glenn Garvin headlined "The Kennedy Assassination:
Did Castro know in advance?". The article was
reproduced in Life and Le Monde
magazines.
Neither Latell nor Garvin asked
where Nixon and Bush Senior were on November 22,
1963. Others have done so and the two politicians
answered that they didn’t remember. But Paul Kangas
and other researchers have disclosed evidence that
both were in Dallas, Texas, and that they knew about
the assassination.
Part of the evidence is a November
23, 1963 memo from FBI director Edgar Hoover,
revealing that George Bush Sr., as a CIA officer,
reported on Cuban exiles’ reaction to Kennedy’s
death. Bush alleged that this was another agent of
the same name, but left the impression that the FBI
knew what he was saying. Fletcher Prouty, a former
CIA link official, stated that Bush – by then a
high-ranking officer with the agency although he
also denied that fact – was responsible for
organizing the Bay of Pigs invasion, involving the
recruitment of Cubans later suspected by the U.S.
Congressional Committee investigating the
assassination of being linked to John F. Kennedy’s
death.
Carl Freund, from the Dallas
Morning News, interviewed Nixon on the day of
the assassination, who stated during the interview
that Kennedy intended to drop Lyndon Johnson as his
running mate in 1964 and attacked the President for
the civil rights demonstrations taking place
throughout the U.S., commenting that Kennedy had
offered more than he could give. The newspaper added
that Nixon was attending a meeting of the Pepsi Cola
Company in the city and was staying at the Baker
hotel. The day before the assassination, The
Dallas Times Herald published a photo of Nixon
taken in Dallas with Donald Kendall, president of
Pepsi Cola. Kangas refutes the argument that Nixon
had already left the city, given that airport
documents show that he left after the assassination.
(1)
In 1991, CIA agent Chauncey Holt
told Newsweek magazine that Kendall was
considered by the agency as its eyes and ears in the
Caribbean. The CIA is key to the close relationship
between the businessman and the politician. Pepsi
had a factory and a plantation in Cuba which were
nationalized by the revolutionary government.
Researcher Carl Oglesby places Nixon
and Vice President Johnson during the evening of
November 21 at a Dallas party, which he considers
the final coordination meeting for the
assassination. Kennedy’s increasing confrontations
with Johnson during 1963 were known in government
circles and by the President’s close friends. They
were sure that his corrupt connections were going to
be exposed and that Johnson would not be the
candidate in 1964. There was also talk of his
prosecution.
The book Le dernier temoin
(The Last Witness) includes the confessions of
Billie Sol Estes, a financial millionaire who was
sentenced in court after being investigated by
Robert Kennedy, then Attorney General, and was
closely linked to the Texan politician. Estes said
that Johnson forced him to keep quiet about the
dirty business he was doing for both of them.
"According to Madeleine Brown, a
close friend of Johnson’s, on November 21, the Vice
President accompanied her to a private soirée at the
home of Clint Murchinson, a Dallas oil millionaire,
where the Vice President made an enigmatic remark:
"After tomorrow, those SOB’s will never embarrass me
again." (2)
In his book, The Yankee and the
Cowboy War, Oglesby reveals the presence at the
party, in addition to Johnson and Nixon, of FBI
director J. Edgar Hoover; Allen Dulles, former CIA
director; oil tycoon Haroldson L. Hunt; John
Connally, former governor of Texas; General Charles
Cabell and his brother Earl, all of them John F.
Kennedy haters.
On February 1, 1962, the president
had replaced Cabell as deputy director of the CIA.
On April 19, 1961, Cabell had tried to force Kennedy
to authorize the use of fighter planes from an
aircraft carrier stationed close to Cuba, an action
that he stated could change the course of the Bay of
Pigs in a matter of minutes. Pentagon chiefs, headed
by Lemnitzer and Walker and those of the CIA,
especially Dulles and Cabell virtually rebelled and
continued trying to provoke direct military
intervention in Cuba. For these reasons, the
decision of General Cabell’s brother who, as mayor
of Dallas, diverted the presidential convoy as it
was traveling along Mayor Street toward the center
of Dealey Plaza heading for Stemmons Highway, as
planned, was highly suspicious. "On Mayor Street,
continuing along the open boulevard, shots could not
have reached him… at the last minute the President’s
route was changed to make it pass where the
warehouse is." (3) The change made by Cabell’s
brother involved a 120-degree turn down Houston
Street, which meant reducing the convoy’s speed to
15mph and heading for Elm Street, the location of
the warehouse and a grassy hillock. This dramatic
turn facilitated the work of Kennedy’s assassins
lying in wait there.
Latell and Garvin must have
formulated the question as to why the route was
changed, particularly to George H. W. Bush, one of
the few surviving suspects. The untiring labor of
researchers has resulted in new discoveries
implicating Nixon and Lyndon Johnson, John F.
Kennedy’s replacement and the man with the most to
gain, in the assassination plot
After the assassination of Robert
Kennedy in 1968, Nixon was elected President and
continued with his dirty tricks. On Nixon’s orders,
a group of CIA agents and officers, disguised as
plumbers, entered the Democratic National Committee
headquarters in Washington’s Watergate office
complex. It was initially thought that the objective
was to seek out information damaging to George
McGovern, the presidential candidate, but the matter
was far more serious. On June 23, 1972, President
Nixon tried to have the CIA block the investigation,
in charge of FBI officers like Mark Felt, who
recently turned out to be "Deep Throat," the secret
informant of The Washington Post, which
contributed to clarifying the facts.
In the early days of the scandal,
Nixon‘s aide John Ehrlichman summoned to the White
House Patrick Gray, the FBI director who replaced
Edgar Hoover. He told him that six files written by
Howard Hunt, a CIA officer involved in the Watergate
break-in, and which were in the FBI’s possession,
were political dynamite and should never see the
light of day. Gray took the files to his house and
burned them. John Dean, the President’s advisor, did
the same with Hunt’s diary. However, tapes of
conversations in the White House revealed Nixon’s
anxiety over the detention of Hunt and the other
operatives involved. He was trying to conceal the
fact that the operation would expose his connection
with Kennedy’s assassination and agreed that Hunt
should be given one million dollars in hush money.
Fearing the possible consequences of
the scandal, Nixon leaned on his chief of personnel,
H.R. Haldeman, to put pressure on his CIA buddies
George Bush, Richard Helms and Vernon Walters,
explaining, "The problem is that it will blow the
whole Bay of Pigs thing." (4) Nixon added that they
had protected Helms many times and that Bush would
do anything for the cause. (5)
The agitated response of Helms, who
yelled that he had nothing to do with the Bay of
Pigs, shocked Haldeman. The President’s right hand
man acted as ordered, but the scandal had grown too
large given the revelations of the White House tapes
and he was obliged to tell Nixon that he could do
nothing more.
In his subsequent book The Ends
of Power, Haldeman confessed that Nixon always
masked any reference to the Kennedy assassination by
mentioning the Bay of Pigs. The tapes are full of
these references. One of the "plumbers," Frank
Sturgis, confessed five years later that the
powerful motive for the Watergate break-in which so
much concerned Nixon was "the photos of our role in
the Kennedy assassination."(6) E. Howard Hunt, who
led the Watergate break-in; James W. McCord Jr.; and
Cubans Virgilio R. González, Bernard L. Barker and
Eugenio Martínez – all of them CIA officers or
agents – were also involved in some way in the Bay
of Pigs invasion. And all of them, apart from
McCord, were investigated in relation to the
assassination.
In his memoirs, American Spy,
Hunt stated that William Harvey, placed by the CIA
at the head of Task Force W to direct conspiracies
to assassinate Fidel, could have played a principal
role in organizing the Kennedy assassination
together with David Morales, a well-known CIA
assassin,. In 2004, Hunt offered other revelations
in a video to his son St. John, who had asked him to
make the recording when his father was nearing death
from cancer. Hunt said that Sturgis has invited him
to a secret CIA meeting at which Morales was present,
to discuss a big event, which he later found out was
the conspiracy to assassinate Kennedy. Hunt
cryptically admitted that he took part, but as a
spare player, given that he had reservations.
Commenting on Latell’s book, El
Nuevo Herald tried to exonerate the CIA,
organized crime and other spurious interests from
any part in the 1961 invasion, the 1962 Missile
Crisis, and the assassination of Kennedy, events
which were clearly linked.
Latell’s principal thesis is that of
the lone gunman: Lee Harvey Oswald, linked to Cuba.
This was precisely the initial evidence of an
official conspiracy. The plot merits a different
analysis.
(1) The Realist
No.117, Summer 1991, P.7.
(2) William Reymond. JFK, Le dernier temoin.
Editions Flammarion. Paris. 2003. Pp 259
(3) Jim Garrison. JFK, Tras la pista de los
asesinos, Ediciones B S.A. Barcelona1992, P. 145
(4) Stanley I. Kutler (ed.) Abuse of Power,
Simon and Schuster, New York. 1997), Pp. 67-69
(5) San Francisco Chronicle, May 7, 1977.
(6) Ibid.